Preface
Preface
Tobacco is in the news on a daily basis. Politicians from President
Clinton down to members of local city councils are actively fighting the tobacco industry.
The once-invincible industry has settled lawsuits for hundreds of billions of dollars.
Many states are initiating major efforts to do something meaningful about the half-million
needless deaths that tobacco causes in America every year.
It was not always this way. For over two decades a few activists did
battle with tobacco interests in relative obscurity, usually with little support from the
organizations and politicians who should have been helping them.
This is a book about the last quarter-century of tobacco politics in
California. In the early i970s a small band of activists were taken with the idea that
people should not have to breathe secondhand tobacco smoke-an idea that was nothing short
of bizarre at the time. Their efforts spawned hundreds of local tobacco control ordinances
and, eventually, Proposition 99, the largest tobacco control program in the world. At
every step of the way, these advocates had to confront the tobacco industry and its allies
across the political spectrum. Tobacco War is their story.
The book draws heavily on work done by students and research fellows who
have worked with Stanton Glantz to study tobacco politics and policy in California over
the years: Michael Begay, Bruce Samuels, Mike Traynor, Heather Macdonald, Stella
Aguinaga-Bialous, and Fred Monardi.
We thank these individuals and our other colleagues whose work has made this book
possible.[*]
We are particularly grateful to Attorney General Hubert Humphrey III of
Minnesota. His dogged determination to get the truth out about the tobacco industry in
Minnesota's case to recover smoking-induced costs and otherwise rein in the tobacco
industry forced the release of millions of secret tobacco industry documents, including
several important ones about California that we discuss in this book.
Over time, the research that formed the basis of this book has been
supported by several agencies: the University of California Tobacco Related Disease
Research Program (Grant IRT520), the National Cancer Institute (Grant CA-61021), the
American Cancer Society, and Edith and Henry Everett. We thank these agencies and
individuals for making this work possible, particularly when the tobacco industry was
making such support as difficult as possible. We also thank Annemarie Charlesworth for
nailing down details and helping with final manuscript preparation and Lena Libatique for
typing the index.
One of the authors of this book, Professor Stanton Glantz, participated
in many of the events described here. While Glantz appears as a player, it is important to
emphasize that this is not his personal memoir. Indeed, some of the key events in
this story happened while Glantz was writing a statistics textbook on an out-of-state
sabbatical.
The amazing thing about the California story is how many tobacco battles
have taken place in the state over the past quarter-century. Indeed, we have omitted many
important events to keep the book manageable and to focus on the California Tobacco
Control Program. We do not discuss the liberation of the film Death in the West,
which Philip Morris suppressed in England; or the development of the California
Environmental Protection Agency report on secondhand smoke; or the fight by Glantz and his
colleagues at the University of California to make the Brown and Williamson documents
public; or the efforts by congressional Republicans to force the National Cancer Institute
to cancel Glantz's research funding; or the lawsuits the tobacco industry filed against
the university to try to stop Glantz's work; or the lawsuit that California filed against
the tobacco industry; or the passage of Proposition 10 in 1998, which raised tobacco taxes
by fifty cents a pack to fund child development programs. These stories will have to wait
for the sequel.
California's story holds important insights for people everywhere who
want to develop and implement-and to defend-meaningful tobacco control programs.
Stanton A. Glantz
San Francisco, California
Edith D. Balbach
Medford, Massachusetts
Notes
* Portions of this book draw heavily on the following research: B.
Samuels and S. Glantz, The politics of local tobacco control , JAMA
1991;266:2110-2117 (copyright American Medical Association, 1991); M. Traynor, M. Begay,
and S. Glantz, New tobacco industry strategy to prevent local tobacco control
, JAMA 1993;270:479-486 (copyright American Medical Association, 1993); H.
Macdonald and S. Glantz, Political realities of statewide smoking legislation:
The passage of California's Assembly Bill AB 13 , Tobacco Control
1994;4:1081-1085 (copyright BMJ Publishing Group); M. Traynor and S. Glantz,
California's tobacco tax initiative: The development and passage of
Proposition 99 , JHPPL 1996;21:543-585; S. Glantz, J. Slade, L. Bero, P.
Hanauer, D. Barnes, The cigarette papers (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1996); H. Macdonald, S. Aguinaga, and S. Glantz, The defeat of Philip Morris'
"California Uniform Tobacco Control Act," Am J Pub Health 1997;
87:1989-1996 (copyright American Public Health Association, 1997); E. Balbach and S.
Glantz, Tobacco control advocates must demand high-quality media campaigns
, Tobacco Control (1998; 7:397-408; copyright BMJ Publishing Group). We
thank the copyright holders for permission to use this material.